Many people would have us believe Indigenous North Americans are unanimous in their opposition to oil and gas development. Canada has seen a steady stream of protesters travelling from the United States who cite "helping protect Indigenous lands" as their motivation for interfering with oil and gas development projects in this country. Yet Indigenous people in Canada are far from homogeneous. In Canada there are 633 First Nations, plus the Métis people and the Inuit. In the U.S., there are another 574 Native-American groups. Nowhere else on the planet would such a diverse group of peoples be expected to be unanimous about anything.
The anti-resource development stereotype is false. Among Indigenous groups there is clearly some opposition to some development in specific cases. But in recent research, a colleague and I found that an overwhelming majority of the British Columbia and Alberta First Nations that have taken public positions on oil and gas projects are in support of responsible, sustainable development on their lands. Opposition to such development is — by far — a minority view among Indigenous people and communities in Canada.
In arriving at these results, we examined such evidence as: public information filed with regulatory bodies; consultation reports; membership in Indigenous pro-energy organizations, such as the Indian Resource Council; whether First Nations produce oil and gas on reserve land; and whether they had signed "impact benefit agreements" with any resource projects. Using this information, we categorized individual First Nations as clearly "for" or "against" oil and gas development or as "non-objecting/unclear." (In cases where no evidence of support or opposition was available, we put them in a "not available" file.)
n British Columbia, on oil, we found positions in the above sources from almost half of B.C.'s 202 First Nations. Of 96 publicly expressed positions, a minimum of 29 favoured oil development, with just three opposed. Another 64 were found to "non-object" (the language used in the industry) or be unclear. We excluded 106 First Nations as not being relevant to the research, given that they were not impacted by proposed projects and pipelines. (If we measured support or opposition to a proposed sawmill on the shore of the Fraser River in Delta, B.C., we would not count the support or opposition of a town council on the Prairies, given the lack of any impact of such a mill on the Prairies.)
B.C. First Nations' positions on natural gas development are even more clear: 40 First Nations in favour, with none publicly opposed and only one whose position is unclear. (In this case, 161 First Nations either had no public position or were not affected by natural gas projects.)
In Alberta's long history of active oil and gas operations, several First Nations have built their local economies supporting, supplying and in other ways participating in resource development. We reviewed all of the province's 48 First Nations and found that 46 supported oil and gas development, while only two were unclear in their public positions.
Why is there such a disconnect between the supposedly unanimous Indigenous opposition to resource development so often portrayed in the media and claimed by anti-oil and gas activists and the very significant support for oil and gas among Indigenous communities that is revealed in our research? The answer is not complicated: despite what protesters argue, these projects bring environmental oversight and economic opportunity to First Nations, who therefore welcome development, regarding it as win-win.
Coastal GasLink is also an example of how media portrayals of widespread Indigenous opposition are false: all 20 First Nations whose land the Coastal GasLink pipeline crosses have agreements to allow it onto their territory and are thus guaranteed a share of the resulting economic opportunities. Whether it be in right-of-way clearing, camps and camp services, or medical and security services, to name a few, these remote First Nations, many of whom have never participated in such a large project, have welcomed the new economic opportunities the project offers.
It's time to stop considering Indigenous people a monolith when it comes to energy development. It may also be time to ask who these protests really benefit. "Not us," many Indigenous people would suggest.
https://financialpost.com/opinion/gregory-john-first-nations-dont-oppose-energy-projects
Professional anti resource development protesters do not speak on behalf of Canada's Aboriginal communities.
As an Indigenous oil services business owner, I just want to work
We don't want outside people telling us what's good for us and where and under what circumstances we can run our business
I am a Cree businessman. My wife and I own a successful oilfield services company out of Fort St. John, in northern B.C., near the Alberta border. She is a member of Blueberry Rivers First Nation, whose territory has become a hub for oil and gas activity. We've been blessed to have economic opportunity right in our backyard.
Unfortunately, in the past few years, the act of me working has become political. People are protesting and blockading rail lines over resource development in our region. Oil companies can't get anything done because the regulatory process is so onerous. Other pipelines in our region have been cancelled. All of this affects my ability to keep my employees working and my business running.
From what I see, a majority of Indigenous peoples support these projects and want them for their communities. Times have changed. I see companies take wildlife measures, protect against erosion and leaks, and conduct environmental monitoring. If problems arise, they work to make it right. I know this because I've been the monitor flagging out wildlife areas. I remember once we moved a road so it wouldn't disturb a bear den. I know the companies do their due diligence when it comes to consultation, safe work, and environmental policies.
https://financialpost.com/opinion/as-an-indigenous-oil-services-business-owner-i-just-want-to-work
I had read that the natural resource sector was one of the largest sources of Aboriginal investment and employment.
Indigenous Canadians want natural resources development — why aren't we being heard?
Do not deny us our opportunity for well-being and prosperity simply to serve your stereotypes of what Indigenous peoples should be for and against
The truth is, the vast majority of Indigenous communities in Canada are engaged in natural resource development, and on terms that we agree to. Indigenous communities have entered into over 450 agreements with mining companies since 2000, and 58 per cent have a contract or agreement with a forestry company. Across Canada, 25 First Nations produce oil on reserve and 35 produce natural gas. Dozens more have entered into agreements to have pipelines cross through their territory, and three separate Indigenous consortia are vying to purchase the Trans Mountain pipeline on behalf of their communities.
Indigenous-owned businesses are 40 times more likely to be involved in the mining and oil and gas sectors than the average Canadian business. The extractive sector hires twice as many Indigenous employees and pays on average twice as much in wages as other sectors. Natural resource development is where we've been able to make the most progress as employees, contractors, partners and owners. It provides much-needed jobs and revenues to our communities.
I previously worked for the Aboriginal Equity Partners, a group of 31 First Nations and Métis communities who had an ownership stake in the Northern Gateway pipeline. It would have produced $2 billion in economic benefits including jobs, business opportunities, and training for our communities, until it was killed by the federal government. When we went to Ottawa to testify in opposition to Bill C-48, the oil tanker moratorium, Transport Minister Marc Garneau called us "private interests" who were "not in the same category" as the First Nations in support of the government's bill.
https://financialpost.com/opinion/indigenous-canadians-want-natural-resources-development-why-arent-we-being-heard
A lot of people don't want a strong upwardly mobile Aboriginal middle class.
Want richer First Nations? Say 'yes' to pipelines
Allowing resource industries to flourish would boost jobs and incomes in remote areas
At its peak, construction of Coastal GasLink will employ 2,500 people, including many members of local First Nations. Returns from the 10 per cent ownership stake will outlast the immediate benefits of the construction jobs but both matter. To understand why, consider some 2016 census data on how the affected First Nations are faring vis-a-vis other British Columbians.
Statistics aren't available for all First Nations along the pipeline route but among the 15 for which we do have data, 14 have an employment rate — the percentage of their working-age populations that is employed — lower than British Columbia as a whole.
The distribution of salaries across industries suggests that allowing the resource industries to flourish would boost First Nations' incomes dramatically. Median employment income (full-year, full-time) across all industries for Indigenous Canadians was just $44,855 in 2016. But in construction it was $49,262, [size=150]in oil and gas extraction, $117,831, and in pipeline transportation, $142,883.[/size]
There is no easy way to spur economic opportunity for every remote reserve — not all have nearby oil and natural gas extraction or pipeline possibilities. Still, be it pipelines, oil and gas development, mining, forestry, other resource projects or other rural economic drivers, such as agriculture — all economic development has the potential to provide work, employment income and tax revenues for those living on reserve.
And most of this activity requires little from governments, only that politicians and others allow these industries to flourish — including by not standing in the way of pipelines — for the benefit of all Canadians, but especially of rural First Nations.
https://financialpost.com/opinion/want-richer-first-nations-say-yes-to-pipelines
Quote
A lot of people don't want a strong upwardly mobile Aboriginal middle class.
You are damned right they do not.
I work on a lot of reserve land in the winter months when I supervise rigs. Reserves that have invested in oil and gas projects have better infrastructure and people driving around in new 4X4 trucks.
Indians need to work, so they are in favour of resource jobs. Progs don't need to work.
Another one of progtards whoppers is that Indians oppose oil and gas development.
6 Alberta First Nations invest in natural gas power plant; loan backed by province
https://globalnews.ca/news/7325196/alberta-first-nations-cascade-power-government/?utm_medium=Facebook&utm_source=GlobalEdmonton&fbclid=IwAR05cZn7-cGiG6y4evygScS0LCg1nptKsgQQ-TJWKjlX1exX35N42hK911s
Some of them do oppose it though.
The buyers of TMX will almost certainly be Aboriginals..
Aboriginal bands owned stakes in KXL too..
The proposed Spirit Eagle pipelines would be one hundred per cent Aboriginal owned if they are built.

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It's a fact: a majority of Indigenous people support natural resource development
https://energyexaminedpodcasts.com/its-a-fact-a-majority-of-indigenous-people-support-natural-resource-development?tdest_id=1271093&fbclid=IwAR3H3qPZDQm1mR-cwIxQRM84aUHrt_cbHxVHqciWYjjjEAyEKp2ipfZzYKA
The Indigenous Resource Network (IRN) recently commissioned an Environics poll to assess cross-Canada Indigenous support for natural resource development. What they found defies the common perception in the media: 65% supported development vs only 23% opposed.
Quote from: Herman post_id=421649 time=1632886979 user_id=1689
It's a fact: a majority of Indigenous people support natural resource development
https://energyexaminedpodcasts.com/its-a-fact-a-majority-of-indigenous-people-support-natural-resource-development?tdest_id=1271093&fbclid=IwAR3H3qPZDQm1mR-cwIxQRM84aUHrt_cbHxVHqciWYjjjEAyEKp2ipfZzYKA
The Indigenous Resource Network (IRN) recently commissioned an Environics poll to assess cross-Canada Indigenous support for natural resource development. What they found defies the common perception in the media: 65% supported development vs only 23% opposed.
That's interesting, thank you Herman.
Quote from: Herman post_id=421649 time=1632886979 user_id=1689
It's a fact: a majority of Indigenous people support natural resource development
https://energyexaminedpodcasts.com/its-a-fact-a-majority-of-indigenous-people-support-natural-resource-development?tdest_id=1271093&fbclid=IwAR3H3qPZDQm1mR-cwIxQRM84aUHrt_cbHxVHqciWYjjjEAyEKp2ipfZzYKA
The Indigenous Resource Network (IRN) recently commissioned an Environics poll to assess cross-Canada Indigenous support for natural resource development. What they found defies the common perception in the media: 65% supported development vs only 23% opposed.
Racist white libtards use Canadian Aboriginals as props.
This will make Indians happy and piss off urban progs. Enbridge Inc.'s Line 3 pipeline replacement project, a critical piece of export infrastructure for Canada's energy sector, will be in service on Friday.
A piece of good news
Quote from: cc post_id=421732 time=1632942071 user_id=88
A piece of good news
Progs are not celebrating.
Canada's Native Peoples are nothing more than props to the likes of Dicaprio.
ECO-CRUSADERS NEED A REALITY CHECK
Environmentalists are just using Canada's Indigenous people
So actor Leonardo DiCaprio is upset the RCMP last week broke up illegal blockades along a supply road connecting a couple of northern B.C. pipeline camps to things like water, food, medical attention and septic services.
Nearly two weeks earlier, Indigenous activists allegedly used stolen heavy equipment to rip open trenches across the Morice West Forest Service Road south of Houston, B.C. They called it "decommissioning."
The blockaders then parked vehicles across the road and cut down trees to add to the obstruction and to burn to keep themselves warm.
Since then, around 500 trapped workers in the 9A and P2 camps have had their food and water rationed. They've also been limited to flushing their toilets just once a day.
Imagine that: being trapped in a remote camp with 500 other men who cannot wash their hands or clothes. No showers, either. And are sharing toilets they may only flush once every 24 hours.
Before police broke up the blockades, septic trucks couldn't make it to the camps, so tanks were close to backing up into the camps.
But Mr. DiCaprio, whose 4,700-square-foot Hollywood mansion has eight toilets, is angry that Mounties moved in to end the unlawful blockade and permit the pipeline company to restore services and supplies to its workers.
(DiCaprio has another eight working toilets in his 7,000-square-foot vacation home in Palm Springs.)
The Oscar-winning actor disparaged what he called the "militarized raids" against the "land defenders."
The night before Lenny's tweet, a group of about 100 demonstrators sympathetic to the B.C. vandalizers blocked a bridge in Edmonton for several hours. What made their action remarkable was that to keep themselves warm while protesting a natural gas pipeline, the Edmonton protestors lit a propane firepit.
DiCaprio, of course, is the same celebrity eco-crusader who, while filming 2015's The Revenant in the foothills west of Calgary, mistook a mid-winter chinook for "terrifying" global warming. He then blamed climate change for the lack of snow in Alberta in July and for the need to move production to the southern hemisphere – where it was winter at the time.
What's at issue in the Wet'suwet'en standoff along the Coastal GasLink pipeline is fairly easy to understand.
The elected councils of all 20 First Nations along the route have signed deals with the company to share in the employment, the supply contracts and local development. One nation has even used some of its profits (plus a contribution from the pipeline company) to rebuild salmon habitat in their region.
Meanwhile, a group of hereditary chiefs, some of whom are self-appointed, backed by well-funded environmental groups, are opposed. They are the ones DiCaprio and the Edmonton bridge blockers are backing.
The hereditary chiefs also have the backing of "blow it all up" environmentalist, David Suzuki.
But here's a couple of quick questions for the anti-GasLink crowd: If the unelected, hereditary chiefs you claim to respect so much were in favour of Coastal GasLink and it was the elected ones who were opposed, would you be just as supportive of the hereditary chiefs as you are now?
Or are you just using the hereditary chiefs because they bolster your anti-pipeline crusade?
It's my guess the DiCaprios and Suzukis who demand we be so respectful of Indigenous tradition and acknowledge the unelected chiefs ahead of democratic chiefs and councils only believe that because it's good for their cause.
I imagine if the elected Wet'suwet'en chiefs and councils were the ones on the same side as the environmentalists, the activists would right now be expressing outrage that governments, police and energy companies were ignoring the will of the Wet'suwet'en people's democratically elected representatives.
Which means the environmentalist don't truly care about Indigenous people, only the ones who agree with them at any given time.
The following was authored by members of the Gidimt'en Clan and released by Wet'suwet'en First Nation council at their request.
We are Wet'suwet'en and the Coastal GasLink pipeline protesters do not represent us
We want the protesters to cease their blockades and stop misleading people
https://nationalpost.com/opinion/opinion-we-are-wetsuweten-but-the-coastal-gaslink-pipeline-protesters-dont-represent-us
We are members of the Gidimt'en Clan of the Wet'suwet'en Nation, together with extended family members from other Wet'suwet'en house groups and communities, both on- and off-reserve. Our clan territories include the area where the Coastal GasLink pipeline crosses the river we call Wedzin Kwa. We are deeply hurt and angered by the conduct and statements of some of our community members and others who claim to be defending our lands and laws against the pipeline.
Our concerns are not about the pipeline itself. Some of us support it, some of us do not and some are neutral. Our issue is that our traditions and way of life are being misrepresented and dishonoured by a small group of protesters, many of whom are neither Gidimt'en nor Wet'suwet'en, but nonetheless claim to be acting in our name to protest natural gas development. On Nov. 20 and 21, we convened a virtual meeting to discuss these issues and the recent RCMP raid that was carried out on our ancestral lands.
The first thing to understand is that the collective rights of the Wet'suwet'en people to use the land and resources within Wet'suwet'en territory have for hundreds of years been managed through a system of five family based clans led by a hierarchy of leaders who hold hereditary names that have existed since time immemorial. These names are connected to specific areas within our territorial lands, called "nowh yintah," and have been handed down for generations in a complex governing system we call "Bahlats," or "the feast hall."
The names and the powers of those who hold them are conferred on the basis of merit and recognition and, in our Wet'suwet'en law, follow hereditary lines. Traditionally, leaders are groomed for many years by those holding higher rank in the feast hall before progressing to greater responsibilities. Proper conduct and "wiggus" (respect) are among the many valuable lessons passed on during the grooming.
This process and the conduct of other business in our traditional system is governed by strict laws and protocols that the leaders are expected to uphold. It is very sad that so many Wet'suwet'en women who supported the pipeline were stripped of their hereditary titles to which they were entitled and the names were passed on to those who oppose the pipeline. Unfortunately, the hereditary system has been disrupted due to disagreements over the pipeline. We hope we can move past this and come together in unity and peace. After all, whether hereditary or elected, the care and concern for the collective is central to everyone involved, even though they take different approaches.
The second important thing to understand is that our internal laws are based on a foundational principle of respect that we call "wiggus." This basically means respect for all things: respect for ourselves and for each other, respect for other people, respect for the feast system, respect for our territorial land and clan boundaries, and respect for all the resources of the land. We reserve the highest levels of respect for our matriarchs, the wise older women who hold a special place in our affairs, as well as for the integrity of lands and resources that are held by other clans.
We regret to say that nearly everything the so-called Wet'suwet'en land defenders and their supporters have been doing is in direct conflict with these traditional laws and protocols. Their main public spokesperson holds a minor name and is very new to our feast hall. She cannot claim expert knowledge about our culture, yintah and feast hall. She is new to our nation and is not in any way a matriarch, as some have claimed. Nor has she, her supporters or any supporting head chief ever consulted any of us about what they are doing and saying on our behalf.
This rift originally stems from an internal dispute that took place in the feast hall and, although we do not wish to discuss clan business publicly, we will say that our matriarchs have been disrespected, bullied, marginalized and mistreated by those who are enabling the spokesperson's influence on nowh yintah.
The protesters have also taken it upon themselves to invite violent people into our territories. We are not violent people. We settle our issues with dialogue and respect. We do not need "warriors" from other First Nations or non-Wet'suwet'en protesters to protect us or speak for us, especially when so many Gidimt'en and so many Wet'suwet'en do not support them. This adversarial approach places our community members at risk, and increases the risk to Wet'suwet'en women, including those who are hereditary chiefs. Remember, we live along the "Highway of Tears."
Many are also afraid to speak up because of bullying and alienation by aggressive and confrontational people on social media, who do not know the facts. While we understand that many strive to support our perceived struggles through social media, the fact is that many of them have no idea about the history, culture and dynamics at play here, and are doing a grave disservice to many grassroots Gidimt'en, whose ancestors have thrived on nowh yintah since time immemorial.
The multitude of outside voices on social media has also served to overshadow the voices of the Gidimt'en and Wet'suwet'en. It has left a majority of Gidimt'en matriarchs, Gidimt'en clan members and Wet'suwet'en voices overlooked, marginalized and disrespected. We are hopeful that those on social media will consider these points and allow all Gidimt'en and Wet'suwet'en to work through these issues in a peaceful and respectful manner that does not put anyone in danger.
It is very unfortunate that the conflict has escalated the way it has. Even though we strongly disagree with the militant actions of those claiming to act and speak on our behalf, we seek a peaceful resolution, and we sincerely hope that nobody gets hurt or killed.
There are other issues with these protests. Their campsites are environmentally disgraceful and the road that they excavated did not just block pipeline workers, it also blocked our members who use it to access territory and resources to which they are entitled.
We also very much understand climate change and the importance of caring for our communities and future generations, but we do not support the conduct of those who are harming the Canadian economy and encouraging supporters to "shut down Canada" during this time of pandemic and crises throughout British Columbia. This is not our way.
Then, there is the money. In our culture, money that is raised in the clan's name is accounted for through the feast system. However, we have received no accounting for the many thousands of dollars in donations that are being collected by protesters in our name.
Worst of all, and what causes us to come forward at this time, is that the protesters who claim to respect Wet'suwet'en law showed no respect whatsoever for two of our leading matriarchs who died in recent weeks, or for their families. It is a basic rule in our culture that non-essential activities must cease during a period of mourning; however, protests and public activities carried on as if nothing had happened.
The daughter of one of the late matriarchs stated that, "While we brought mom home on Thursday, Oct. 14, 2021, a concert was held at Bovill Square in Smithers by an acquaintance who assists with activities at Gidimt'en Checkpoint. Two of the protesting head chiefs also marched down Main Street in Smithers on the same day."
The grieving families are devastated by this cruel and shameful misconduct toward their own people and feel marginalized from their ancestral lands, language and oral histories.
Clan chiefs are responsible to their clan members, but their current governance model makes it impossible for hereditary chiefs to fulfill their cultural responsibilities. To make things worse, these hereditary chiefs and some others are secretly negotiating agreements about our rights and title with the federal and provincial governments, according to a memorandum of understanding that was signed to end last year's protests over the pipeline. All of these circumstances leave us questioning how we can move beyond the conflict and take a more unified approach for the good of all Wet'suwet'en.
We want the protesters to cease their blockades and for them to stop misleading people and making false claims about our laws. This letter arises from the voices and concerns of a number of Wet'suwet'en matriarchs, Gidimt'en matriarchs, Gidimt'en clan members and members of other clans. We have the right to share our thoughts and concerns about our territory without backlash from those within our nation, but also from non-Wet'suwet'en people who have little or no understanding of our culture, our history, our internal dynamics or our ancestral ways.
We ask the media to respect our privacy and security while we grieve for our late matriarchs. Due to COVID-19 and our responsibility to observe a mourning period for our deceased community members and female hereditary chiefs, we will not be granting further interviews at this time.
Quote from: seoulbro post_id=428471 time=1638121848 user_id=114
Canada's Native Peoples are nothing more than props to the likes of Dicaprio.
ECO-CRUSADERS NEED A REALITY CHECK
Environmentalists are just using Canada's Indigenous people
So actor Leonardo DiCaprio is upset the RCMP last week broke up illegal blockades along a supply road connecting a couple of northern B.C. pipeline camps to things like water, food, medical attention and septic services.
Nearly two weeks earlier, Indigenous activists allegedly used stolen heavy equipment to rip open trenches across the Morice West Forest Service Road south of Houston, B.C. They called it "decommissioning."
The blockaders then parked vehicles across the road and cut down trees to add to the obstruction and to burn to keep themselves warm.
Since then, around 500 trapped workers in the 9A and P2 camps have had their food and water rationed. They've also been limited to flushing their toilets just once a day.
Imagine that: being trapped in a remote camp with 500 other men who cannot wash their hands or clothes. No showers, either. And are sharing toilets they may only flush once every 24 hours.
Before police broke up the blockades, septic trucks couldn't make it to the camps, so tanks were close to backing up into the camps.
But Mr. DiCaprio, whose 4,700-square-foot Hollywood mansion has eight toilets, is angry that Mounties moved in to end the unlawful blockade and permit the pipeline company to restore services and supplies to its workers.
(DiCaprio has another eight working toilets in his 7,000-square-foot vacation home in Palm Springs.)
The Oscar-winning actor disparaged what he called the "militarized raids" against the "land defenders."
The night before Lenny's tweet, a group of about 100 demonstrators sympathetic to the B.C. vandalizers blocked a bridge in Edmonton for several hours. What made their action remarkable was that to keep themselves warm while protesting a natural gas pipeline, the Edmonton protestors lit a propane firepit.
DiCaprio, of course, is the same celebrity eco-crusader who, while filming 2015's The Revenant in the foothills west of Calgary, mistook a mid-winter chinook for "terrifying" global warming. He then blamed climate change for the lack of snow in Alberta in July and for the need to move production to the southern hemisphere – where it was winter at the time.
What's at issue in the Wet'suwet'en standoff along the Coastal GasLink pipeline is fairly easy to understand.
The elected councils of all 20 First Nations along the route have signed deals with the company to share in the employment, the supply contracts and local development. One nation has even used some of its profits (plus a contribution from the pipeline company) to rebuild salmon habitat in their region.
Meanwhile, a group of hereditary chiefs, some of whom are self-appointed, backed by well-funded environmental groups, are opposed. They are the ones DiCaprio and the Edmonton bridge blockers are backing.
The hereditary chiefs also have the backing of "blow it all up" environmentalist, David Suzuki.
But here's a couple of quick questions for the anti-GasLink crowd: If the unelected, hereditary chiefs you claim to respect so much were in favour of Coastal GasLink and it was the elected ones who were opposed, would you be just as supportive of the hereditary chiefs as you are now?
Or are you just using the hereditary chiefs because they bolster your anti-pipeline crusade?
It's my guess the DiCaprios and Suzukis who demand we be so respectful of Indigenous tradition and acknowledge the unelected chiefs ahead of democratic chiefs and councils only believe that because it's good for their cause.
I imagine if the elected Wet'suwet'en chiefs and councils were the ones on the same side as the environmentalists, the activists would right now be expressing outrage that governments, police and energy companies were ignoring the will of the Wet'suwet'en people's democratically elected representatives.
Which means the environmentalist don't truly care about Indigenous people, only the ones who agree with them at any given time.
It amazes me how many people believe Native bnads are anti development.

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The Naomi Kleins have more say over economic development on Aboriginal lands than the people that live on them.
Listen to First Nations, not the mob
We are doing a disservice to Indigenous people by allowing a vocal minority to control the narrative
Reading much of the media coverage of the renewed protests and blockades looking to disrupt construction of the Coastal GasLink pipeline in British Columbia, it would be easy to conclude that this is about First Nations people trying to defend their land against a brutal colonial government. That's what many activists, academics and left-wing politicians would have you believe.
In a letter published in the National Post on Tuesday, a group of Wet'suwet'en people lamented that their "traditions and way of life are being misrepresented and dishonoured by a small group of protesters, many of whom are neither Gidimt'en nor Wet'suwet'en, but nonetheless claim to be acting in our name to protest natural gas development."
These protesters, and their supporters, have used intimidation tactics to silence their opponents, which has served to "overshadow the voices of the Gidimt'en and Wet'suwet'en," and left many of the actual stakeholders "afraid to speak up because of bullying and alienation by aggressive and confrontational people on social media."
Indeed, even referring to the protesters as "land defenders," as some media outlets have chosen to do, is biased and misleading, because they often don't represent the majority of the communities for which they claim to speak. The fact is that the elected council of the Wet'suwet'en Nation, along with the 19 other First Nations along the route, signed an agreement in support of the pipeline, which promises to bring economic benefits to their communities.
It is the Wet'suwet'en hereditary chiefs who have been opposed to the project. As Melissa Mbarki, an Indigenous policy analyst with the Macdonald-Laurier Institute (MLI), explained in these pages, "The elected chief and council and the majority of their community members agreed to this pipeline," but somewhere "in the Wet'suwet'en band structure, a divide occurred."
This divide has been exploited by environmental groups and protesters to frame the issue as one of land rights, rather than economic opportunity. As B.C. MLA Ellis Ross wrote , also in the Post, "by saying yes to natural gas development, my northern British Columbia community was able to lift itself out of poverty."
Other First Nations are looking for similar opportunities, but are being subverted by a small minority of people who are trying to over-rule infrastructure projects that have obtained all the necessary approvals from governments and landowners.
Writing in the Globe and Mail this week, JP Gladu, the executive director of the Indigenous Resource Network, questioned "why our communities need 100 per cent support for any project to be deemed credible. We are not a monolith; of course as in any culture, we too have disagreements. Why are we held to an unreasonable and quite frankly unattainable standard when our current federal system can see a government make decisions on behalf of our entire country with often sub 50 per cent support?"
An open letter signed by hundreds of academics, including familiar left-wing voices such as Naomi Klein, characterizes Canadian law as "a weapon against Indigenous jurisdiction" and "a tool for Indigenous genocide." The signatories try to undermine the rule of law by claiming that the "provincial government's authorization of permits for construction of Coastal GasLink arises from a racist anthropology of discovery and claims to underlying title to lands that have never been the province's to grant," and therefore the court's injunction was based on "false presumptions."
Lost in this heated rhetoric are the voices of many members of the Wet'suwet'en and other First Nations, who have been lamenting the fact that their rights to speak freely and to forge a better economic future for themselves and their children are increasingly being stymied by outside protesters and environmental interest groups.
https://nationalpost.com/opinion/np-view-listen-to-first-nations-not-the-mob?fbclid=IwAR3i1T0MHXBUW-qDoHuh0bUJaIT3Y5GwI2oudrghYtpvEmq-aVnvxeStUZE

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Quote from: Herman post_id=444457 time=1648082527 user_id=1689

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Hollywood actors shouldn't have any influence over the decisions made by Aboriginal bands regarding their own future.
Just as with his years-long campaign against the Keystone XL pipeline, Ruffalo shows he doesn't understand that if Canadian oil and gas can't make it to market, it will be replaced with products from Russia, Venezuela or Saudi Arabia — countries with worse environmental and human rights records.
The movie stars accuse Royal Bank of Canada of de facto "violating Indigenous rights and fueling climate chaos."
It's tiresome to watch them once again appropriate First Nations issues in Canada — and they don't even get it right.
Ellis Ross is a provincial politician in British Columbia and, before that, was Chief Councillor of the Haisla Nation. He posted to social media that the "pipeline has signed agreements with all the affected First Nations along the pipeline route."
While hereditary chiefs in the region do not support the pipeline, many elected chiefs and other members of these First Nations communities do.
It's quite something that non-Indigenous movie stars think they have the right to decide which voices matter.
Sorry Mark Ruffalo and Jane Fonda, but Canadian Indians want the benefits from developing their resources.
Indigenous businesses awarded $1.3 billion in Trans Mountain expansion contracts in 2021 alone
Project benefits to Indigenous communities increasing
https://www.canadianenergycentre.ca/indigenous-businesses-awarded-1-3-billion-in-trans-mountain-expansion-contracts-in-2021-alone/?fbclid=IwAR0WrrqgN0toNqOoiFyIBeXAGESefXNe9qUljpv5LAstr8yMDs2KL10FPV0
In addition to more than half a billion in mutual benefit agreements with First Nations along the route, the project spent more than $1 billion with Indigenous companies in 2021 alone, according to the latest update.
Meanwhile, Indigenous groups are seeking ownership of the Trans Mountain project, which the federal government owns and plans to sell once the expansion is complete.
Trans Mountain's mutual benefit agreements with 69 Indigenous communities are now worth over $580 million, an increase of almost $200 million more than previously expected, according to the company. It's also nearly 100 per cent of the First Nations along the route, Anderson said.
:thumbup:
$3B LNG project could be a first for First Nations
Haisla aiming to be exporting liquefied natural gas from Kitimat terminal by mid-2027
https://www.alaskahighwaynews.ca/highlights/3b-lng-project-could-be-a-first-for-first-nations-5239457
Should a new $3-billion liquefied natural gas plant in Kitimat now making its way through the BC Environmental Assessment process be approved by regulators and investors, it would be a world first.
The Cedar LNG facility would not only be the largest major industrial project built and owned by First Nations in Canada, it would also be the only Indigenous-owned liquefied natural gas export facility in the world.
The Cedar LNG project is being developed by the Haisla First Nation on fee-simple land owned by the Haisla on Douglas Channel, near the Rio Tinto aluminum smelter and LNG Canada plant, which is still under construction.
"With Cedar LNG, we have more than a seat," Haisla chief Crystal Smith said last week at Globe Forum 2022. "We are owners, and we are setting the standards we believe in.
"One of the important decisions we made was to power the facility entirely with renewable energy."
Compared with LNG Canada, which would export 13 million tonnes of LNG annually, Cedar LNG is modest in size. Its annual production capacity would be three million tonnes.
It wouldn't be the first LNG project proposed by First Nations in B.C., but it might become the first to be built.
The Kwispaa LNG project was a partnership between the Huu-ay-aht First Nation and Steelhead LNG Corp. But that project stalled in 2019, after Steelhead LNG announced it was pushing the pause button.
One of the challenges for that project is that it would need a new natural gas pipeline to get gas to Vancouver Island. The Haisla's Cedar LNG project doesn't have that problem, because the Haisla have a natural gas offtake agreement with LNG Canada and the Coastal GasLink pipeline.
Last year, the Haisla secured a major industry partner in Pembina Pipelines, a $25-billion midstream company that has built and operates oil and gas pipelines and processing facilities in Western Canada.
"Just the project management and infrastructure management capabilities of a company like a Pembina, as well as their financial capabilities, I think that's hugely valuable," said Brad Hayes, president of Petrel Robertson Consulting Ltd., which serves the oil and gas industry.
Cedar LNG also has a new CEO with extensive experience in the industry – Doug Arnell, chairman of Methanex Corp., CEO of Helm Energy Advisors Inc. and former CEO of Golar LNG.
Should the project get the green light from federal and provincial environmental regulators, the Haisla and Pembina expect a final investment decision to be made in 2023. With a four-year construction period and a seven-to-nine-month commissioning, Cedar LNG is aiming for exports to begin in mid-2027.
Morgan Stanley Research has recently predicted that demand for LNG could increase 25 per cent to 50 per cent by 2030. McKinsey likewise forecasts that demand will grow by about 3.5 per cent annually to 2035.

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Quote from: Herman post_id=445866 time=1649292395 user_id=1689
:thumbup:
$3B LNG project could be a first for First Nations
Haisla aiming to be exporting liquefied natural gas from Kitimat terminal by mid-2027
https://www.alaskahighwaynews.ca/highlights/3b-lng-project-could-be-a-first-for-first-nations-5239457
Should a new $3-billion liquefied natural gas plant in Kitimat now making its way through the BC Environmental Assessment process be approved by regulators and investors, it would be a world first.
The Cedar LNG facility would not only be the largest major industrial project built and owned by First Nations in Canada, it would also be the only Indigenous-owned liquefied natural gas export facility in the world.
The Cedar LNG project is being developed by the Haisla First Nation on fee-simple land owned by the Haisla on Douglas Channel, near the Rio Tinto aluminum smelter and LNG Canada plant, which is still under construction.
"With Cedar LNG, we have more than a seat," Haisla chief Crystal Smith said last week at Globe Forum 2022. "We are owners, and we are setting the standards we believe in.
"One of the important decisions we made was to power the facility entirely with renewable energy."
Compared with LNG Canada, which would export 13 million tonnes of LNG annually, Cedar LNG is modest in size. Its annual production capacity would be three million tonnes.
It wouldn't be the first LNG project proposed by First Nations in B.C., but it might become the first to be built.
The Kwispaa LNG project was a partnership between the Huu-ay-aht First Nation and Steelhead LNG Corp. But that project stalled in 2019, after Steelhead LNG announced it was pushing the pause button.
One of the challenges for that project is that it would need a new natural gas pipeline to get gas to Vancouver Island. The Haisla's Cedar LNG project doesn't have that problem, because the Haisla have a natural gas offtake agreement with LNG Canada and the Coastal GasLink pipeline.
Last year, the Haisla secured a major industry partner in Pembina Pipelines, a $25-billion midstream company that has built and operates oil and gas pipelines and processing facilities in Western Canada.
"Just the project management and infrastructure management capabilities of a company like a Pembina, as well as their financial capabilities, I think that's hugely valuable," said Brad Hayes, president of Petrel Robertson Consulting Ltd., which serves the oil and gas industry.
Cedar LNG also has a new CEO with extensive experience in the industry – Doug Arnell, chairman of Methanex Corp., CEO of Helm Energy Advisors Inc. and former CEO of Golar LNG.
Should the project get the green light from federal and provincial environmental regulators, the Haisla and Pembina expect a final investment decision to be made in 2023. With a four-year construction period and a seven-to-nine-month commissioning, Cedar LNG is aiming for exports to begin in mid-2027.
Morgan Stanley Research has recently predicted that demand for LNG could increase 25 per cent to 50 per cent by 2030. McKinsey likewise forecasts that demand will grow by about 3.5 per cent annually to 2035.
Trudeau won't say no to Indians.
A Majority of Indigenous Peoples in Canada Support Resource Development: POLL
https://www.canadaaction.ca/poll-most-indigenous-peoples-support-resource-development
A poll conducted on behalf of the Indigenous Resource Network (IRN) has found that a majority of First Nations, Métis and Inuit Peoples living in rural areas or on reserves across Canada support natural resource development.
According to the poll, 65% of the 549 self-identified Indigenous participants – interviewed by phone between March 25th and April 16th – said "yes," that they support of the development of natural resources. Only 23% of respondents were opposed, while the remaining 12% were unsure.
https://twitter.com/johndesjr/status/1404452929709477894?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E1404452929709477894%7Ctwgr%5E%7Ctwcon%5Es1_&ref_url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.canadaaction.ca%2Fpoll-most-indigenous-peoples-support-resource-development